| RSAUB | Date: Tuesday, 2011-11-01, 0:22 AM | Message # 1 |
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Colonel general
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| Vanguard’s Choice
The loyalist cause in Ulster is the preservation of a British tradition and heritage within which and only within which can the loyalist community live, breathe and have its being. What is at stake today, as always throughout generations of continuous challenge, is the maintenance of that distinct way of life and culture upon which the very existence of a whole people depend.
The greatest threat to the loyalist cause is not the assault of Irish nationalism in the form of I.R.A. physical violence. Had the Ulster people been mobilised by proper leadership they would have defeated it. Nor is the threat to the loyalist cause as open as the Liberal party’s home rule policy for Ireland, pursued from Gladstone to Asquith. That threat was faced by Ulster loyalists supported by Conservative allies in Great Britain. Even so, to ward it off the loyalist people of Ulster took steps to prepare for a U.D.T. The threat today is more deadly because more insidious. The leftward shift in Westminster polities has produced a Conservative party, tired, even bored with Irish politics from which they wish to extricate themselves. Hence they have been converted to a belief in a United Ireland as the best long term solution of the old Irish problem. I.R.A. violence has assisted the conversion to a policy of desertion of loyalist Ulster.
To give a colour of justification, Stormont has had to be shown up in the propagandist image as an oppressive regime against which the long-suffering minority had to resort to street politics. By concessions to rebels at the expense of Stormont the loyalist position is weakened and discredited. By these means Ulster is to be brought gradually, peaceably, but inevitably into a United Ireland. The overthrow of Stormont is the first overt but unmistakable move. It is an offer to the I.R.A. to end violence in return for more favours to come. Only differences in timing and method divide the various factions in Ireland and Great Britain whose purpose is to achieve Ulster’s incorporation in an Irish Republic, Gaelic, Catholic, and anti-British. To progressives in Great Britain kith-and-kin arguments are now irrelevant and old forms of loyalty are outmoded. A community that has invented rubber bullets and the anti-blood-sports league is yet capable of contemplating the death by slow suffocation of a whole loyalist community in Ulster, such as overtook their brethren in Eire in the space of half a century.
On Vanguard’s reading of the signs the whole set of relationships between London, Dublin and Belfast has changed, and changed utterly. There is now complete identity of view between the Westminster and Eire governments on their policy towards Ulster. A Belfast government opposed to that policy has been put out of the way. Its successor, Mr. Whitelaw, representing Westminster’s views, sits in its place against the wish of the Ulster people. In Vanguard’s eyes he is a gauleiter backed by nothing but brute force legalised.
In this situation the loyalist cause must be taken into the hands of the loyalist people themselves. Direct rule by Westminster means the pursuit of Westminster policy, which leads directly to Dublin and the abandonment of the loyalist cause. Direct rule by Westminster does not satisfy the conditions for preserving a Union they no longer value. Yet disenchantment with Union gives Westminster no right to settle the destination of Ulster. If they wish to divorce Ulster in the long run, that confers on them no right to choose Ulster’s future partner.
By Westminster’s unilateral action the constitution of the United Kingdom has been changed and it has to be re-negotiated. In any re-arrangement the minimum condition for safeguarding the loyalist cause is plain. The power to damage it, in what Westminster conceives to be British interest, must be removed from Westminster’s hands. This entails that Ulster must have control over her own internal security and be able to deploy whatever forces she considers necessary to meet any challenge coming from any source in Ireland. It also entails that Ulster must have her own Parliament with such enlarged powers as are consistent with these minimum conditions for her security.
But how can this objective be achieved against Westminster opposition? In the first place loyalists must take steps to demonstrate that Westminster’s present regime has no popular support in Ulster. If the non-consenting majority rally behind Vanguard, ways will be devised to bring Westminster to a realisation that its present position is untenable. Loyalist unity now, as always, is the necessary condition for success. If Ulster cannot match Westminster in material strength, yet she can match Westminster in determination and in moral strength. Vanguard’s purpose is to mobilise all those moral forces of our breed, which have been hardened over generations of struggle. A nation whose troops do not know for what they are fighting in Ulster are no moral match for an Ulster that does know that it is fighting for its survival.
Vanguard intends that in any negotiation Westminster shall listen to the true loyalist voice that it has not yet heard. The existence of Vanguard with the massive support it has evoked in a few short weeks is proof that the loyalist community is disillusioned with voices that have purported to speak on its behalf and with men not fired with the loyalist faith that inspires their cause. Vanguard can be no other than a resistance movement in present circumstances—resistance to an undemocratic and un-British regime that can be shown to be unworkable against the opposition of an outraged majority.
Vanguard’s objective is to re-negotiate Ulster’s relationship with Westminster, Vanguard has no wish to take Ulster out of the United Kingdom and it is within a United Kingdom that Vanguard will strive for an accommodation that is consistent with the safety and the dignity of an old and historic community, claiming two elementary rights—the right to survive and the right to be free. Vanguard refuses to believe that in the last resort Westminster, rather than grant such an accommodation, will be prepared to abandon the concept of a United Kingdom on this issue. The advantages to both parts are mutual, although it is more fashionable to stress only those enjoyed by Ulster. The disadvantages to both from a breaking of the Union are also mutual.
With such an accommodation as Vanguard seeks within the United Kingdom no vital Westminster interest is at stake. Indeed for Ulster to shoulder her own internal defence might be a welcome relief to an army hard pressed to fulfil her international commitments as it is. But for Ulster a vital interest is at stake. Whatever the disadvantages for Ulster outside the Union, Westminster must consider the disadvantages that would or could ensue for her. These she would have to balance against the disadvantages for her in a re-negotiated Union. Vanguard believes that the disadvantages outside the Union for Westminster far outweigh any disadvantages to her within it. The simple reality is that if Westminster by her own act divests the relationship with Ulster of all ties of sentiment, the product of a long history, and reduces it to a balance of material interests, then Ulster will, willy-nilly. be forced to do likewise.
There are faint hearts who have been led to believe that without Westminster hand-outs Ulster would be non-viable. This belief has not been reached on any considered study, for none has been undertaken. It is one thing to say that cash hand-outs would cease, but it is a very different thing to assert that a whole people is not capable of earning its living. It is one thing to say that a standard of living would fall; it is quite another to say there would be no standard of living at all. From a belief in complete non-viability it is apparently thought that Ulster has no choice but to do as Westminster tells her. Vanguard rejects such defeatism. The encouragement that Vanguard has had from Ulster people throughout the world shows a different spirit. And Vanguard has also had encouragement from persons of high academic standing that Ulster is not non-viable. By comparison with Eire Ulster is quite capable of economic survival. The question remains whether by isolating Ulster Great Britain herself would be economically stronger or weaker.
On a larger view of the British Isles as a whole Vanguard believes that the three parts, Great Britain, Eire and Ulster have a common interest in co-operating to promote the prosperity of each as well as of all. But such co-operation can only be fully forthcoming if each respects the position and vital interest of the other. Westminster’s recent treatment of Ulster is inconsistent with Ulster’s interest or dignity and Vanguard will lead the Ulster people to have it reversed and to change the rules so that it will not happen again. Eire’s claim to Ulster’s territory and people is also incompatible with Ulster’s interest and dignity. Westminster’s failure to refute Eire’s claim and to secure its withdrawal has been a source of disharmony in Ireland between North and South. But not only cross-border disharmony; it has also operated to perpetuate disharmony within Ulster, where the minority community has naturally been encouraged to withhold full recognition and full co-operation from the lawful government. Considering this handicap under which the Stormont government has laboured its achievement was quite remarkable. That experiment in devolved government was until 1968 regarded by every observer as successful and was the envy of other regions in Great Britain and even farther afield. It was only because a malevolent attack on Ulster was not suppressed but was allowed to prosper that by virtue of propagandist slanders it was suddenly discovered that the Stormont system was inherently bad and that it had to be put down. In any new arrangement the Ulster people will see to it that that weakness in suppressing an inspired insurrection shall not be repeated.
Given Vanguard’s conditions for safeguarding Ulster, Vanguard considers that the whole British Isles could stand at the threshold of a new beginning in neighbourly co-operation. A Federal constitution for the British Isles? Certainly Ulster stands to gain, as do all regions of the British Isles, from a new form of competition within them—a competition in co-operation. Vanguard has no closed mind as to the institutional framework within which such a consummation, so greatly to be desired, can be accomplished. This is Vanguard’s constructive alternative to the course on which Westminster has apparently set herself.
Vanguard’s message to the Ulster people is to rally behind what is no mere negative, obstructionist or inward-looking movement. A self-respecting Ulster has much to give to the people of Ulster, but also to Great Britain, the British Isles and the world. Let Ulster, the smallest region, take her place in the Vanguard and proclaim her wider vision. Let Ulster, the land of Ireland’s foremost heroes, speak to the whole of Ireland again with the authority of a Cuchulainn, fortissimus heros Scottorum, and like Finn MacCool of old build a new Causeway to join all the people of these islands in a new community of spirit and endeavour.
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| Culzie | Date: Wednesday, 2011-11-02, 9:50 PM | Message # 2 |
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Generalissimo
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| Certainly stirring words and I don't think I saw N.I. once mentioned. Yes a lot of sense in that article but we seemed to have moved a long way from the sentiments expressed there. The use of the word Ulster is but one sign of a difference between now and then.
The movement now seems to be towards an Irish identity with unionists of all description falling over themselves to address sinn fein and gaa conferences. UUP man McCallister being the latest in the queue. When you think at one time unionists wouldn't even sit in the same room as them let alone talk to them it shows how much unionists have capitulated. We have caved in to a lot of things over the years and still it continues, not just with politicans but in everyday life with the bus destinations in irish gaelic being another step along the long road to ultimate absorption by Eire
Once you get people to accept the traditions and culture of their enemy then the future looks promising for the enemy and bleak for those who once opposed them.
Ulster Protestants consider themselves to be a separate nation. This nation they call Ulster
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| triflingpetty | Date: Monday, 2023-07-17, 6:50 AM | Message # 14 |
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| Definitely moving statements, and I don't recall ever hearing N.I. addressed. Yes, that piece made a lot of sense, but it seemed like we had moved on from the ideas it presented. The use of the word Ulster is just one example of how things have changed since then.
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