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Formation of 'civil rights' in Ulster
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| Culzie | Date: Friday, 2012-02-10, 0:55 AM | Message # 31 |
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| Yes the facts are pushed out of the way and propaganda takes over. The word propaganda (to damage or assist) means to give out information or mis-information and to hell with the facts. The very word should cause people doubt what they are being fed. But no! the opposite seems to be the case.
A few lines about McMillen and the IRA being in the vanguard of the Northern Ireland 'Civil Rights' Association. The Protestant unionist people were right all along. What were Protestants/Unionists to think when they saw the displays of physical force republicanism and the support it was given by a large number of Catholic people. Our country is under threat was how a lot of Protestant people saw it. Its not about 'civil rights' And they were right. They have been vindicated.
The buildup to the Easter 1966 Anniversary celebrations and the importance the IRA placed on them is also related by McMillen; They were seen as an opportunity to flout Stormont’s ban on republican symbols. Certainly anyone who believes that militant republicanism was utterly marginal prior to 1969 should look at contemporary coverage of the 1966 commemorations in the North and the large numbers attracted to the Easter events.
McMillen was a member of the first executive of the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA) when it was formed in 1967 and helped draw up its constitution. He notes that though the initial meeting was ‘attended in strength’ by members of the Republican movement it was decided not to pack the committee but ensure it was broadly based. (It is worth noting that the presence of the commander of the Belfast IRA on the civil rights executive would hardly have reassured Unionists or the RUC about the organisation’s ‘reformist’ nature).
After some months McMillen quietly stepped down and was replaced by Kevin Agnew, a republican from Co. Derry (who would later support the Provisionals). Outside of NICRA activity there were now five Republican Clubs in Belfast though McMillen claims that activists in the city ‘dragged their feet’ in terms of social agitation. He may be slightly exaggerating here. It was only really in Dublin and Derry that the republican movement had prioritized housing agitation during 1967 and Belfast was as active in many ways by 1968 as Cork or other areas. McMillen also notes the IRA’s bomb attacks on British Army recruitment offices in Belfast and Lisburn as part of their ‘happy blend of political agitation and military activity.’ These occurred after the setting up of NICRA (in May 1967 and January 1968) and demonstrate that republican engagement in civil rights did not see the end of armed activity in the North.
McMillen then turns to the republican policy of pushing NICRA to take to the streets, arguing for a march in Belfast during 1968. He does not mention the events in Dungannon which led to the decision to march there but notes that the ‘bulk’ of the Northern IRA were present on August 24th 1968. (In fact of course many were stewards). McMillen perhaps surprisingly describes the march as a ‘disappointing anti-climax.’ He does not recount how the day saw militant speeches from among others Austin Currie and Gerry Fitt who described the RUC as ‘black bastards.’ (While much of the recent coverage has emphasized the influence of the American Civil Rights movement it is worth noting that the marchers in Dungannon sang ‘A Nation Once Again’ as well as ‘We Shall Overcome’ when confronted by RUC lines.)
McMillen then notes the importance of Derry on the 5th of October. Most interestingly he recounts how the IRA had met to discuss their tactics on the day. Again perhaps surprisingly he argues that had the RUC not stopped the march then ‘the CRA would have died a quiet and natural death.’ Instead ‘the events of that day led directly to the dramatic developments’ of 1972. He points to two factors that inspired the RUC’s actions; they had received information that the IRA planned to cause ‘havoc’ in Derry and hence reacted ‘violently to the first gentle nudge’ and secondly that Belfast republicans ‘had been instructed, in the event of the parade being halted by police cordons, to push leading Nationalist politicians into the police ranks. This they did to such effect that one became the first casualty…receiving a busted head from a peeler’s baton.’ (Little sympathy there it seems for Gerry Fitt).
McMillen also claims that the Civil Rights movement raised demands on behalf of the ‘poorest class of Protestants.’ (In fact there is little evidence that NICRA devoted much attention to working class Protestants in its 1968-69 heyday. There were rancourous debates within the Civil Rights movement on whether class demands should be raised to attract working class Protestant support. In general republicans argued against raising these demands for fear of splitting the movement; ‘Republicans must be the foremost advocates of unity in the Civil Rights Movement. They must strongly oppose those who call for a split in the Civil Rights Movement in the spurious belief that in this way that working class Catholics and Protestants will get together for ‘socialist’ and ‘non-sectarian’ demands.’ United Irishman, June 1969). During the winter of 1968 there were several more Civil Rights marches in Derry and one in Armagh (republicans such as Johnnie White in Derry and Denis Cassin were prominent stewards at these events).
Ulster Protestants consider themselves to be a separate nation. This nation they call Ulster
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| Culzie | Date: Sunday, 2012-04-15, 8:00 PM | Message # 32 |
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| In July 1964, Congress passed the Civil Rights Act . The legislation attempted to deal with the problem of African Americans being denied the vote in the Deep South. The legislation stated that uniform standards must prevail for establishing the right to vote. Schooling to sixth grade constituted legal proof of literacy and the attorney general was given power to initiate legal action in any area where he found a pattern of resistance to the law.
The following year, President Lyndon Baines Johnson attempted to persuade Congress to pass his Voting Rights Act. This proposed legislation removed the right of states to impose restrictions on who could vote in elections. Johnson explained how: "Every American citizen must have an equal right to vote. Yet the harsh fact is that in many places in this country men and women are kept from voting simply because they are Negroes."
The above was another thing which was used by the 'civil rights' in N.I. The association in people's mind of N.I. and the Deep South and voting rights.
The slogan of the 'civil righters' in N.I. was 'One Man One Vote'. This was taken to mean by many people that Catholics didn't have a vote. It was a fact that in Westminster,Stormont and even in Local Council elections that Catholics had the same voting rights as everyone else. But a system existed in Local Council elections where those owning different premises got a vote for each of these premises. The reasoning was that as they had to pay the rates for each of these premises then they were entitled to more votes. 'He that pays the piper,calls the tune' was an old saying from those days. Having said that there was a limit on the number of these 'business votes'.
''At these parlimentary elections from the late 1920s there was full universal suffrage,or as it was called ,'one man one vote''.
''Where problems arose was in the area of local goverment. Thoughout this period,the local goverment electorate was based mainly on rated occupiers and their spouses (including owner-occupiers and tenants),but not their adult children,a system used in Britain until 1945. Catholics were among those disenfranchised,owing to the property franchise,although a majority of the total numbers disenfranchised were Protestants. There was also a business franchise which created extra votes,but it did not involve significant numbers''. A History of the Two Irelands
Ulster Protestants consider themselves to be a separate nation. This nation they call Ulster
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| RSAUB | Date: Sunday, 2012-04-15, 11:58 PM | Message # 33 |
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Colonel general
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| Good informative posts, we must never allow the true facts to be forgotten or re-written out of history!
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| Culzie | Date: Monday, 2012-04-16, 7:12 PM | Message # 34 |
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| Yes the ground was well prepared for the 'civil rights' movement in N.I. by happenings thoughout the west. One Unionist MP summed it up when he said,after the 'civil rights'march held on 5 October 1968
'' We have seen these sort of people at work lately...all over the globe and much nearer home,at Grosvenor Square in London,in Paris,Dublin and now Londonderry''
As he said there '' all over the globe''. The idea of the Free Derry corner is supposed to have come from a similar thing in Berkerly California.
Ulster Protestants consider themselves to be a separate nation. This nation they call Ulster
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| Culzie | Date: Monday, 2012-05-14, 4:32 PM | Message # 35 |
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| Came across this. So even away back then the Eire goverment was stoking the fires.
Description
Irish Government-sponsored film alleging anti-Catholic housing discrimination in Fintona, Co.Tyrone. The first 3 minutes of this film is voiceover with no moving images.
Shot List
00:00 - 02:55 Voiceover title 'Housing Discrimination' detailing the unfair allocation of housing in Northern Ireland based on religious and political grounds. 02:55 'A Pictorial Record made in Fintona, Co. Tyrone, 1953. Issued by Information Division Department of External Affairs, Dublin.' 03:12 Horse drawn tram on train tracks. General views of terraced housing with families outside. General views of new housing.
Year 1953 Location Fintona
Rights Holder Department of Foreign Affairs, Dublin, contact PRONI
This film was 'shot in part with a hidden camera, in Co Tyrone. It alleged anti-Catholic discrimination in the allocation of housing by the unionist councils of that county. The film was distributed by the Anti-Partition League in London and was shown to British audiences. The Northern Ireland government complained that this 'overt interference by a 'friendly' govenment in the internal affairs of another country was intolerable'. In due course the British Ambassador to Dublin lodged a protest about the film with the Secretary of the Department of External Affairs. What was also of concern to the Northern Ireland Ireland Cabinet was that this film was the first in a proposed series of documentaries. The next one was due to deal with the gerrymandering of elections by unionists in Northern Ireland. This film was never made. Fianna Fail was once again replaced by a coalition government following the 1954 general election.' Source: Kevin Rockett, Luke Gibbons and John Hill, Cinema and Ireland, Routledge, London, 1988.
http://www.digitalfilmarchive.net/dfa/browseDisplay.asp?id=157
Ulster Protestants consider themselves to be a separate nation. This nation they call Ulster
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| RSAUB | Date: Monday, 2012-05-14, 9:05 PM | Message # 36 |
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Colonel general
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| Good to see information like this is still in the public domain, over time with the damage is done, the evidence is there for everyone to see!
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| Culzie | Date: Monday, 2012-05-14, 9:50 PM | Message # 37 |
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| Yes,perhaps because we can see what they were at. Knew what they were at. Their whole method was not to take part in the state and to stop it anyway they could including murder and bombing, and then complaining that they were denied their 'civil rights'. As the man said in the article I posted in the 'Difference between Ulster and Eire' thread...any other government faced with the same situation would have taken the same action against those trying to overthrow the state. I would go further and say that other goverments would have acted more strongly against traitors than did the Ulster government.
Collins was supporting the IRA in the 1920s in their murder campaign even though he was supposed to stay out of NI affairs. Fianna Fail carried on that campaign and making films about NI was another way of trying to bring NI down.
Even today one has to asked..has anything changed? Is McGuinness genuine when he condemns the dissidents or is it still the 'ballot box and armilite'in action. With the shinners the ballot-box in one hand and the dissidents with the armilite in the other?
Thats what Morrison said was the way to go and it seems like it still could be the case.
Ulster Protestants consider themselves to be a separate nation. This nation they call Ulster
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| RSAUB | Date: Wednesday, 2012-05-16, 1:34 AM | Message # 38 |
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Colonel general
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| Very true, well said!
And there still at it, involved in more recent times in buying up large amounts of property in loyalist areas of Belfast. Yet some would have us believe that they have no interest in a United Ireland... who are these morons trying to fool? themselves probably!
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| Culzie | Date: Wednesday, 2012-05-16, 2:08 PM | Message # 39 |
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| Yes the Protestant people seem to have lost their way. It was always thought that Protestants had the 'know how' and an astute business sense. We prided ourselves in this. Rangers is a good example of what we were and what we now are. Also we seemed to have lost the organising ability to counter measures taken by the enemy. They say ''pride must come before a fall'' and there is no doubt that the pride of Protestants was worked on and slowly taken away. I could see this over the years where there wasn't the same 'cockiness' about. This has been replaced by a couldn't care less attitude.
Ulster Protestants consider themselves to be a separate nation. This nation they call Ulster
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| RSAUB | Date: Wednesday, 2012-05-16, 7:30 PM | Message # 40 |
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Colonel general
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| Well said, you have it summed up to a tee, even at the weekend when I heard someone shout "we are the people" at the band parade, I wondered how he could say that with a straight face when you look around at everything from territorym business, education results, demographics and not to mention power!
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| Culzie | Date: Wednesday, 2012-05-16, 9:28 PM | Message # 41 |
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| Nail on the head RSAUB. Though there are the blind who just don't want to see. 'Ulster In Crisis' was dropped and all of a sudden everything was fine. 
Ulster Protestants consider themselves to be a separate nation. This nation they call Ulster
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| Culzie | Date: Tuesday, 2012-11-06, 7:04 PM | Message # 42 |
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| Another IRA man John Kelly to add to the list of those of them involved in the 'civil rights' movement. 1967. So they were in right at the start. Adams has said that they were in it from the beginning but sat back and let those with a better image have the running of things until their time came to up the anti
IRA member
Kelly joined the IRA in the early 1950s when he was 18 and took part in the Border Campaign of 1956–62, but was arrested in December 1956 and was imprisoned until 1963. He was a member of the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association in 1967–69
Ulster Protestants consider themselves to be a separate nation. This nation they call Ulster
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| Culzie | Date: Friday, 2013-04-05, 10:39 PM | Message # 43 |
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| News Letter Wednesday March 27 2013
In a review of some of the happenings and division in the UUP in 1968 at a meeting of the party it says that Bill Craig said the following..
With regard to allegations of discrimination in housing,Craig pointed out that out of over 10,000 allocations per year,only a very small fraction gave rise to any complaints. In Londonderry,one third of the population had been re-housed since the war of which 80 per cent of the houses had been allocated to Catholics.
He went on to say...
He would prefer that the Special Powers Act be put in cold storage - but there were grounds for thinking that a new campaign of IRA violence might be mounted. He believed that many people in the civil rights movement were sincere in their beliefs and opposed to the IRA but there was a substantial involvement in the movement of IRA members and republicans.
Ulster Protestants consider themselves to be a separate nation. This nation they call Ulster
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| Culzie | Date: Monday, 2013-09-16, 2:15 PM | Message # 44 |
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| This is an article about Nick Hewer who has appeared on the television's The Apprentice's. He also was the subject on the BBC's 'Who Do You Think You Are' in which they look into the ancestry of the person.
It should be kept in mind that when he held this office in the 1920s that Michael Collins and the IRA had launched a firebombing campaign in Belfast. Yet here was a nationalist sitting in one of the highest positions in the city of Belfast. Another thing mentioned is that he was a businessman. Hardly fits the picture portrayed by nationalists, republicans and 'civil righters' of a downtrodden people.
B.T. Thursday August 29,2013
The avuncular 69-year old says that when he's in England he feels a bit Irish, and when he's in Ireland he feels a bit English.
First to Dublin where Nick meets up with a cousin on the Irish side of the family - the Jamisons. We learned of a grandpa Ozzy from Belfast. Ozzy was businessman and a Home Rule politician and nationalist Councillor who represented the Falls ward.
Later, he was appointed High Sheriff of Belfast, second only in importance to the Lord Mayor. ''A Catholic in Belfast in the 1920s in high office'' mused Nick.
Ulster Protestants consider themselves to be a separate nation. This nation they call Ulster
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| Culzie | Date: Sunday, 2013-10-13, 7:27 PM | Message # 45 |
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| Discrimination in Housing and Employment
under the Stormont Administration
Dr Graham Gudgin
A major survey was undertaken in 1968 by an American professor based in Glasgow, Richard Rose. This was published in his famous book on Northern Ireland, Governing Without Consensus. The survey covered a very wide range of political and social issues and provides an invaluable benchmark of conditions and attitudes in the last years of the Stormont regime and immediately prior to the ‘troubles’.
The survey included a section on housing conditions, and Professor Rose discovered what was later confirmed by the 1971 census, that is, that Catholics had a disproportionately large share of local authority houses. The advantage to Catholics was very marked in Belfast, which had a unionist council (19% of Catholics were in local authority houses compared with 9% of Protestants), and in areas with nationalist councils (39% of Catholics compared with 15% of Protestants). Elsewhere, Catholics and Protestants got an equal share of local authority houses. Professor Rose’s conclusion was that there was:
...no evidence of systematic discrimination against Catholics. The greatest bias appears to favour Catholics in areas controlled by Catholic councillors.12
Professor Rose controlled for the possibility of differing needs for local authority housing, firstly, by taking into account the incomes of families. He examined the allocation of local authority houses between Catholics and Protestants within six separate income groups. In five out of the six income categories the proportion of Catholics in local authority housing was higher than for Protestants. In other words, Catholics did not get more local authority houses only because they were poorer. At any given level of income Catholics fared distinctly better than Protestants.
Ulster Protestants consider themselves to be a separate nation. This nation they call Ulster
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